By Enyichukwu Enemanna
Hardly is there any African leader at the moment who commands so much respect as the President of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré does. This is not just among his countrymen, but across West Africa and the continent in general. He wields an unimaginable influence as he is seen among young Africans as the new face of liberation campaign and true independence of the people. In a very short while in office, he enjoys an organic support that has continued to widen by the day. This is simply rooted on his leadership style. Even leaders who have spent a decade and more don’t enjoy an insignificant level of goodwill which Traoré has garnered.
Penultimate 2022 little known Traoré who had just attended University of Ouagadougou in the capital of Burkina Faso to study geology, then enrolled in military career like his peers was a mere disenchanted army officer when he supported the January 2022 coup that ushered in Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba. In March of the same year, he served as the head of an artillery regiment in a town called Kaya.
The 37-year-old Burkinabe with a reputation for defending his classmates against injustice, alongside his colleagues later observed that Damiba was gradually being infested with the corrupt and inefficient system he was sent to change. Eight months later, precisely on September 30, another coup was staged with the active support of an influential unit of the army called “Cobra”. Traoré was then picked as the head of the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration, readying him for an October 6 inauguration as the Interim “Head of State, Supreme Head of the Armed Forces” of Burkina Faso.
Traoré, promoted to the rank of Captain in 2020 was at that time quoted as stating that he became disillusioned with his country’s leadership, as he saw the widespread lack of equipment of Burkinabe soldiers, while politicians were handing out “suitcases of money” for bribery.
The young officer who for most supporters signposts youthful stewardship appears to be in aggressive disruption of western hegemony, championing new liberation agenda that is yet to permeate the African systems even decades after the so-called independence that has not shut the door against colonialism, imperialism that has failed to economically disconnect what clearly seems as exploitative tendency of the West against Africa.
Dangerous Precedence?
Each courageous leader that rises from the African soil to challenge the status quo ends up earning unflattering tags and little wonder Traore himself has also been called a “dictator”. Historical evidence indicates that “dictatorship” by Africans and against Africans has always been severely punished by the West. It still lingers in the memory of many Africans that in the 1960s, a young and vibrant Congolese Patrice Lumumba, who was just 35 at that time through the support of his countrymen had won an election after he clearly became a threat to Belgian authorities in the country at that time. Before his political breakthrough, the “dictator” had been severally arrested, detained and imprisoned. At a time, he was accused of embezzlement of funds from the post office where he worked.
Historians believe that Mobutu Sese Seko was quickly planted to thwart Lumumba’s plan to make Congo truly a nation of independence and he was swiftly recognised as the leader, not just by Belgian authorities but the UN, whose help he sought at that time. Unfortunately, on January 17, 1961, Lumumba and two associates, Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo were assassinated in what was generally believed to be a plot by the colonialists. Their bodies were first buried in shallow grave but later dug up and dissolved in concentrated sulphuric. Like a dispatch officer, Mobutu Sese Seko packaged his country and delivered to imperialism for a “piece of shekel”.
Another Pan-Africanist revolutionary in the 1980s emerged in the same Burkinabe soil. Thomas Sankara attempted to assert the true independence of his country as the Prime Minister, reclaim and deepen its sovereignty. Unfortunately, at the age of 38, precisely on 15 October 1987, Sankara along with twelve other officials were killed in a coup d’état organised by his former colleague Blaise Compaoré, Burkinabe version of Mobutu Sese Seko.
In thumbing his chest on why he overthrew and assassinated him, Compaoré traitorously claimed that Sankara jeopardised foreign relations with former colonial power France and neighbouring Ivory Coast, and accused his former comrade of plotting to assassinate opponents.
At 37, Traoré who is reported to have survived at least 80 attempted coups and assassination plots in the last two and half years, as far as many Africans are concerned has truly demonstrated that he is on a mission to liberate and deeply institutionalise the continent’s independence. This has also been the backbone of the organic support her has continued to garner especially from people of his generation through the social media.
How Far So Far?
Traore has found worthy partners in his Sahel neighbours — Niger and Mali, who are also not under the Western definition of democracy. He was very instrumental in setting up the regional security and economic partnership known as Alliance of Sahel States (AES) which came in response to their severed relations with France and withdrawal of membership of regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The AES has made a significant push against jihadist fighters with the partnership of Russia, an issue that remained largely unaddressed despite prolonged presence of French troops there, whose activities have also come under questions.
Despite long presence in the West African nation, Ouagadougou never by any stretch of imagination reflected the cosmopolitan glitter of Paris, the industrial trappings of Bordeaux city nor the leisure resorts of Nantes. It only reflected a harvest ground for most sought-after mineral resources, which were being shipped outside the country in tonnes apparently in exchange for “fighting” jihadists.
In the last two and half years, Traore has aimed to build a truly sovereign African nation, deploying Burkinabe resources to grow a prosperous modern economy, responsive to the needs of all Burkinabe people, not a section or class therein. He has paid due attention to economic reforms, industrial growth and institutional stability. In 2023, “dictator” Traore initiated a project for the construction of the country’s first gold refinery, a facility that aims to process approximately 400 kilograms of gold daily. This was part of the broader campaign to end export of raw gold, rather repatriation by France. The trickle-down benefit is that it will create 100 direct and 5,000 indirect jobs, in addition to raising domestic value of the mineral deposit.
The government in Burkina Faso has also suspended the issuance of export permits for small-scale gold miners, seeking to combat illicit gold trade and ensuring that any export of gold contributes to the nation’s till. “Dictator” Traoré has also vowed to revoke some mining concessions offered to foreign companies to bolster domestic control. “We know how to mine our gold and I don’t understand why we’re going to let multinationals come and mine it,” Traoré said in October last year to mark two years since he came to power. “In fact, we are going to withdraw mining permits,” he added.
The new wave of “dictatorship” in Burkina Faso cuts across various sectors, including agro-industrial initiative where he has inaugurated a tomato processing factory in Yako, aiming to bolster local capacity in that sector. He has also increased support for local cotton industry, aiming to promote national identity especially in the judiciary where he has placed a ban in French-style black robes and wigs, replacing it with traditional garments made from locally produced cotton fabric known as “Faso Dan Fani.”
Education, infrastructure, sports and security have all received considerable attention as the “dictator” is developing new frontiers to make these sectors serve his country effectively. Financial and constitutional reforms have been embarked upon to raise the bar of effective service delivery.
His people-centred policies have continued to benefit every segment of the society. Just days ago, he announced a waiver on the payment of electricity and water bills for senior citizens. This implies that elderly citizens in the country are no longer required to pay for electricity and water. The decision is part of a broader vision by his government to improve living conditions of vulnerable members of the society.
Has Democracy Developed Africa?
Like former Nigerian leader, Olusegun Obasanjo once stated, African continent is beginning to incubate a growing discontent on the kind of democracy that has been institutionalised for decades, yet has not provided the needed answers in the areas of good leadership, strong institutions, and a stable middle class. He instead challenged leaders to converge and develop a framework to contextualise democracy that takes into account past experiences and addresses contemporary challenges in such a way that reflects Africa’s rich cultural heritage.
The high cost of running a democratic system amidst dwindling value, depleting productivity and growing ineffectual leadership has made it necessary for a critical review of what form of governance is suitable for Africa. In Gabon, General Brice Oligui Nguema was widely hailed when he led a coup in 2023 that ended 5 decades of rule of just one family — the Bongo. A democracy that allows one family to hold power for nearly 50 years, funding expensive lifestyles on the people’s common patrimony amidst burgeoning poverty calls for a rethink. His organic support spiralled into the polls where he garnered over 95 percent of votes to transform into a civilian President.
From Cameroon, to Uganda, Tanzania, Equatorial Guinea, Republic of Congo and Eritrea, no amount of preaching can convince Africans in these countries that what they have faced in at least three decades is the best that can happen to them as far as good governance is concerned. Apart from President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea that has spent 32 years, the rest African countries have leaders that have been on power between 39 to 45 years. In fact, Paul Biya of Cameroon has spent 50 years in office. Such cannot be said to be the most suitable for Africa.
At best, what we see as democracy in Africa has succeeded in birthing corruption and bad governance — starting from the costly electioneering to the very expensive campaign programmes that raise questions on the sources of wealth of some political actors on the continent. Poverty index has not declined because of democracy. Insecurity has not abated because we practice civilian government, anti-corruption agencies have not got less busy because of democracy. Analysts believe that fat budgets for elections that will still be compromised by actors and electoral bodies do not benefit the people.
In Nigeria for instance, the number of out-of-school children has hit the rooftop. A figure released by UNICEF in 2024 indicates that at least, 18.3 million children are not attending any school. This translates to one in three children being out of school. This is where the people have been under democratic rule in the last 26 years. Additionally, poverty index is waxing stronger.
A recent figure from Nigeria’s data office, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) shows that a significant number of citizens, to the tune of 63% are within the cycle of those who can be classified as multidimensionally poor. This was exacerbated by a number of policies of the government, a democratically elected government I must emphasize. One of it was the removal of subsidy on petrol, a policy those at the helm of affairs today had challenged years ago while in opposition.
Traoré has shown that irrespective of the colour of your gab — either military regalia of what is known in Nigeria’s local parlance as “agbada”, a good leader will remain what he is. He is giving his country a new reputation.
He has adeptly grasped the organic link between freedom of African people and their liberation, unity, and development. Little wonder he is being hailed as Fidel Castro of Africa, who himself was also eliminated in 1959 Cuban revolution. In a 2016 interview with Fox News former US President, Barack Obama said his “worst mistake” in presidency was “probably failing to plan for the day after what I think was the right thing to do in intervening in Libya”, referring to the NATO-led bombing that killed former leader, Muammar Gaddafi. Till date, Africa is still bearing the brunt of that grave mistake by the West. Obama also did not spare then British Prime Minister, David Cameron, and the former French leader, Nicolas Sarkozy who is now being tried for corruption for their complicit in the Libyan operation.
“Dictator” Captain Traoré should be left alone. Governance structure of the African people must not necessarily be dictated by the West and their internal collaborators.
